Alumni Dissertations

 

Alumni Dissertations

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  • Peasant Rebellions in the Age of Globalization: The EZLN in Mexico and the PKK in Turkey

    Author:
    Mehmet Kucukozer
    Year of Dissertation:
    2010
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Mauricio Font
    Abstract:

    The formerly corporatist/populist states of Mexico and Turkey have faced significant armed peasant-based insurgencies in their post-1980 period of neoliberal reforms. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas, Mexico and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey's southeast serve as ideal case studies in order to deal with long unresolved questions in the literature on peasant rebellions: What is the role of greater capitalist penetration in the growth of these movements? Which peasants are the ones joining these movements? What role do political and militant organizations play in the process of mobilization? Although the literature suggests that there is a correlation between peripheral states/regions and revolutionary movements, this project seeks to make those links more explicit by taking a process-oriented approach to how regions become peripheral and how revolutionary movements emerge. In doing so, I argue that Mexico and Turkey, with respect to the regions in focus, evince a distinct pattern of state building in comparison to European models. The exercise of state power in Chiapas and Turkish Kurdistan has taken on institutionalized patterns. These patterns serve as a backdrop for understanding the ways different kinds of villages have been affected by state power. A basic typology of villages was established in terms of their relationship to the commercial economy, its social structure, and nature of social life. Stories of people who participated in, supported, or witnessed both insurgencies were collected. A small database of PKK insurgents was also created. Together the data indicate that capitalist expansion did not play a primary or direct role in the formation of these insurgencies. Rather, villages where commercial agriculture had not come to dominate were the ones who participated. Such villages also had greater social-class diversity, contributing participants who were mobilized in varied ways. They responded to increasing land tensions, to greater repression from the state and its local allies, and to greater involvement in national politics in the form of leftist organizations building networks in local sites. The EZLN and the PKK were effective at linking themselves to these pre-existing networks. In doing so they built an elaborate organizational capacity.

  • Peasant Rebellions in the Age of Globalization: The EZLN in Mexico and the PKK in Turkey

    Author:
    Mehmet Kucukozer
    Year of Dissertation:
    2010
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Mauricio Font
    Abstract:

    The formerly corporatist/populist states of Mexico and Turkey have faced significant armed peasant-based insurgencies in their post-1980 period of neoliberal reforms. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas, Mexico and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey's southeast serve as ideal case studies in order to deal with long unresolved questions in the literature on peasant rebellions: What is the role of greater capitalist penetration in the growth of these movements? Which peasants are the ones joining these movements? What role do political and militant organizations play in the process of mobilization? Although the literature suggests that there is a correlation between peripheral states/regions and revolutionary movements, this project seeks to make those links more explicit by taking a process-oriented approach to how regions become peripheral and how revolutionary movements emerge. In doing so, I argue that Mexico and Turkey, with respect to the regions in focus, evince a distinct pattern of state building in comparison to European models. The exercise of state power in Chiapas and Turkish Kurdistan has taken on institutionalized patterns. These patterns serve as a backdrop for understanding the ways different kinds of villages have been affected by state power. A basic typology of villages was established in terms of their relationship to the commercial economy, its social structure, and nature of social life. Stories of people who participated in, supported, or witnessed both insurgencies were collected. A small database of PKK insurgents was also created. Together the data indicate that capitalist expansion did not play a primary or direct role in the formation of these insurgencies. Rather, villages where commercial agriculture had not come to dominate were the ones who participated. Such villages also had greater social-class diversity, contributing participants who were mobilized in varied ways. They responded to increasing land tensions, to greater repression from the state and its local allies, and to greater involvement in national politics in the form of leftist organizations building networks in local sites. The EZLN and the PKK were effective at linking themselves to these pre-existing networks. In doing so they built an elaborate organizational capacity.

  • HOW DO DOMESTIC VIOLENCE COURTS WORK? A TEST OF THE IMPACT OF COURT POLICIES ON RECIDIVISM

    Author:
    Melissa Labriola
    Year of Dissertation:
    2013
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Mary Clare Lennon
    Abstract:

    Domestic violence courts typically handle a jurisdiction's domestic violence cases on a separate calendar, presided over by a specially assigned and trained. They arose in response to a number of legal and social developments, in particular, as part of a broader trend towards "problem-solving justice". Problem-solving justice can trace its theoretical roots to innovations in policing, which attempted to replace traditional law enforcement's focus on responding to individual offenses with a focus on addressing patterns of crime and community engagement. Under the rubric of therapeutic jurisprudence, problem-solving courts emerged in the 1990s. This model posits that legal rules and procedures can be used to improve psychosocial outcomes. However, therapeutic jurisprudence is not the only theoretical foundation for problem solving courts. Deterrence theory posits that receipt or threat of a punishment for an infraction will reduce the likelihood that the infraction will be repeated. Using the theoretical lenses of therapeutic jurisprudence and deterrence, I conceptualize the key elements of those theories and test whether policies and procedures adopted by these courts are associated with better outcomes than others. Given the unprecedented number of sites, coupled with the application of sophisticated multi-level modeling techniques, this dissertation asks the fundamental question of how domestic violence courts work. The findings indicate that recidivism reductions are enhanced under some conditions. Substantially advancing the state our knowledge, these analyses point to a greater focus on therapeutic jurisprudence mechanisms, as primary candidates for policy factors that may lead some make domestic violence courts to reduce recidivism more than others. In turn, there are a number of therapeutic jurisprudence and deterrence policies that lead domestic violence courts to increase recidivism as well. This indicates the effectiveness of policies that focus on shared communication, training of outside stakeholders, and accountability mechanisms that are designed and implemented to increase re-arrest when there are reports of assault. The results seem to point to a theoretical model that needs to be tested more to find policies that can be most beneficial to domestic violence offenders and victims of these crimes.

  • ROUNDUP READY NATION: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF GENETICALLY MODIFIED SOY IN ARGENTINA

    Author:
    Amalia Leguizamon
    Year of Dissertation:
    2014
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Kenneth Gould
    Abstract:

    This dissertation is a case study of agrarian transformation in an agro-export society, Argentina. I study the process of adoption of the technological package of genetically modified (GM) soy in the Argentine countryside, its socio-ecological consequences, and Argentines' responses to it. In particular, this research addresses Argentina's unique situation of being a developing country that has positively embraced the biotechnology of GM seeds as a key accumulation strategy without the emergence of major contestation against GM soy monocropping. In order to answer the puzzle of quiescence, I look at how power relations structure access to social and environmental goods and bads, as well as at how power relates to the causes of consensus and conflict. From a critical political economy perspective, in this work I contribute to three major areas of substantive research: (1) Technology and socio-environmental change; (2) Natural resource extraction as a model of neoliberal socioeconomic development for Latin America; and (3) Social movements, in particular rural and environmental movements in the Latin American region. It terms of data collection, I rely on a multi-method approach based on archival research, quantitative analysis, and ethnographic methods (interviewing and participant observation). Whether GM crops can alleviate poverty and address food security while conserving ecosystems remains one of the most divisive questions in contemporary development studies. This dissertation is thus a necessary and timely contribution to debates on agricultural GM biotechnology. More broadly, the aim of this research is to contribute to discussions around the dynamics of agrarian and rural transformations, technological adoption and resistance, and the relationship between ecological modification and social change.

  • A Rich Man's War and a Poor Man's Fight? Historical Memory and the Class Dynamics of the Vietnam Antiwar Movement and Antiwar Sentiment in the United States

    Author:
    Penny Lewis
    Year of Dissertation:
    2009
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Stanley Aronowitz
    Abstract:

    This dissertation analyzes the relationship between social class, opposition to the war in Vietnam, and our collective memory of that opposition. It both refutes and contextualizes the myth of “worker hawks” opposing “elite doves” that dominates our collective memory of the period. Three central arguments are made. First, through archival research and secondary analysis, the dissertation argues that movement opposition to the war in its early years emerged mainly among middle-class students, privileged liberals and radicals, but as the war went on, this opposition was joined by working-class constituencies, including soldiers; veterans; African-American and Chicano/a movement activists; significant parts of the labor movement; and working-class students. Second, characteristics of the movement as it emerged limited its class base, a limitation amplified by inter-movement relations between labor, civil rights and antiwar forces in the period of 1965-1967. Finally, the antiwar movement's later cross-class nature has been elided because of the conventions of historical story-telling and because it contradicts a longstanding social narrative of “liberal elites” and “conservative workers” that, while largely false, is culturally resonant and expedient for multiple political elites.

  • Becoming Japanese: Contested Meanings of Race and Nationality in Contemporary Japan

    Author:
    Youngmi Lim
    Year of Dissertation:
    2010
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Stephen Steinberg
    Abstract:

    I examine the "final" phase of assimilation of Koreans born and raised in Japan (zainichi Koreans), an invisible racial minority fully acculturated yet kept in legal limbo for decades, in a society where immigration and naturalization continue to be exceptional. How do zainichi Koreans represent themselves and participate in Japanese civic life? By specifically focusing on the dilemma of becoming Japanese among the former colonial subjects and their descendents, I explore both the permeability and impermeability of Japanese collective identity. Based on 1) in-depth interviews with zainichi Koreans, regardless of nationality, legal statuses and levels of collective consciousness, or zainichi literacy, 2) participant observations in different groups and events, and 3) secondary analyses of official statistics as well as opinion pieces and autobiographies authored by zainichi Koreans for the Japanese print media, I examine shifting zainichi representations and debates over civic participation. I trace prominent shifts in their interpretations of the collective past and ideas about collective identity, citizenship and civic participation. I also provide an ethnographic account of everyday experiences among intermarried couples, naturalized individuals and local activist groups, covertly and overtly expressing Korean heritage and the political agenda in predominantly Japanese environment where Korean lineage is not a cost-free symbolic ethnicity. These all attest to unstated assumptions about what it means to be authentic members of Japanese society or who has the right to dissent in the revisionist currents of Japanese collective and historical identity. Diverse expressions of zainichi Korean identities, whether losing their perceived genealogical connection with Korean roots, passing but expressing their Korean heritage exclusively in a private domain, or claiming proactive Korean identity that is perceived as foreign, complementarily reproduce Japanese societal homogeneity. Paradoxically, active claimants of collective Korean identities, with or without Japanese nationality, tend to participate more actively in Japanese civil society than those without explicit Korean identity claims. Zainichi Koreans resist and accommodate the process of becoming Japanese, while continuing to fulfill discursive and political needs of the Japanese majority.

  • Becoming Japanese: Contested Meanings of Race and Nationality in Contemporary Japan

    Author:
    Youngmi Lim
    Year of Dissertation:
    2010
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Stephen Steinberg
    Abstract:

    I examine the "final" phase of assimilation of Koreans born and raised in Japan (zainichi Koreans), an invisible racial minority fully acculturated yet kept in legal limbo for decades, in a society where immigration and naturalization continue to be exceptional. How do zainichi Koreans represent themselves and participate in Japanese civic life? By specifically focusing on the dilemma of becoming Japanese among the former colonial subjects and their descendents, I explore both the permeability and impermeability of Japanese collective identity. Based on 1) in-depth interviews with zainichi Koreans, regardless of nationality, legal statuses and levels of collective consciousness, or zainichi literacy, 2) participant observations in different groups and events, and 3) secondary analyses of official statistics as well as opinion pieces and autobiographies authored by zainichi Koreans for the Japanese print media, I examine shifting zainichi representations and debates over civic participation. I trace prominent shifts in their interpretations of the collective past and ideas about collective identity, citizenship and civic participation. I also provide an ethnographic account of everyday experiences among intermarried couples, naturalized individuals and local activist groups, covertly and overtly expressing Korean heritage and the political agenda in predominantly Japanese environment where Korean lineage is not a cost-free symbolic ethnicity. These all attest to unstated assumptions about what it means to be authentic members of Japanese society or who has the right to dissent in the revisionist currents of Japanese collective and historical identity. Diverse expressions of zainichi Korean identities, whether losing their perceived genealogical connection with Korean roots, passing but expressing their Korean heritage exclusively in a private domain, or claiming proactive Korean identity that is perceived as foreign, complementarily reproduce Japanese societal homogeneity. Paradoxically, active claimants of collective Korean identities, with or without Japanese nationality, tend to participate more actively in Japanese civil society than those without explicit Korean identity claims. Zainichi Koreans resist and accommodate the process of becoming Japanese, while continuing to fulfill discursive and political needs of the Japanese majority.

  • The Privileged "In-Between" Status of Latino Jews in the Northeastern United States

    Author:
    Laura Limonic
    Year of Dissertation:
    2014
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Nancy Foner
    Abstract:

    This study is an in-depth look at how religion, class, and ethno-racial status interact and intersect to affect assimilation and integration prospects for new immigrants. The research focuses on Latin American Jewish immigrants in the Northeastern United States, a particularly interesting group to study because they are not easily classified within the American racial and ethnic system and existing ethno-racial categories. As a result, they are presented with a number of ethnic options that they can call upon. The choices they make as well as the constraints they face in making these choices, can broaden our understanding of contemporary immigrant life in America today. Using qualitative data from forty-one in-depth interviews as well as ethnographic research, the study shows how immigrants develop and adopt different ethnic labels as part of their larger sense of ethnic identity. The study finds that Latino Jews have a number of identities to choose from - national identities, Latino, Jewish or panethno-religious (Latino Jewish) and the label or ethnic identity they choose (or are assigned) is often situational and instrumental, yet legitimate. The study also focuses on the construction of panethnicity and a panethnic group identity. Latino Jews develop a panethnic identity through interaction with other in-group members, in an institutional setting such as a community centre or religious organization. Within an institutional or organized site, the exchange of religious customs reinforces a sense of shared history and is a strong factor in the development of a new pan-ethnic identity. Overall, the experience of Latino Jews shows that class and race are important determinants in the construction and instrumentality of ethnicity and ethnic identity for this group of immigrants.  

  • New Portlandia: Rock n' Roll, Authenticity and the Politics of Place in Portland, Oregon

    Author:
    Jeffrey London
    Year of Dissertation:
    2014
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    William Kornblum
    Abstract:

    This work is concerned with the situation of indie musicians and their relationship to the urban imaginary of the city of Portland, Oregon. Central to this inquiry is the interplay between music makers and the evolving cultural economy of the city. There are several key issues that arise in Portland for participants in the indie music scene, in the new, high-rent lifestyle city. The regional Northwest ecology of indie rock music and the collective memory of the underground has been brought into the mainstream as an advertisement for the city, an identity for its new residents and for cultural tourism. This commodification of memory threatens the DIY culture and its independent production practices that previously had thrived. The rise in rents and capitalization of space has undermined the potential of small-scale processes of creation and exchange, from which the identity of the city today was derived. The precariousness of work in the digital age hits home for music makers, as their efforts to collectivize and monetize their production creates a bifurcated creative class, as opposed to a rising tide of creativity. Spatial practices surrounding development and the use of the music scene as value pose interesting questions of potential and possibility in the new landscape of artisanal entrepreneurialism. As the television show Portlandia, and its related product lines illustrate, as the imagineered version of the hip city overtakes the lived version, the indie culture's value as part of a growth machine outpaces local quality of life measures, such as availability of work and cost of living in general. Participants use neighborhoods as sites of renegotiation, even with limited resources, and homeownership becomes a major mode of spatial entrenchment in the growth machine city. The dispersed archipelago of music places and networks across the city acts as a buttress against the rising tide of incorporation into capital frameworks seen in distinct Bohemian enclaves. In addition, the potential of digital networks of exchange and communication breathe life into a fragile urban cultural production scene. This work makes a contribution to the sociology of cultural production and the sociology of culture concerning frameworks of identity and spatial change in the new post-industrial city. Codes of authenticity are built up in the tone, technology and practices of the production of musical sound. A new left libertarianism of tiny publics of local goods, especially in the food cart and restaurant scene, have help reestablish spatial practices that embed alternative cultural production, its meanings and practices, in the Portland indie rock framework of authentic local historicity. The threat of the expanding use of space and the value of the music scene as part of the city as a growth machine, especially when the urban growth boundary forces development in close, has threatened the social fabric of creative actors, racial minorities and the working class. Future issues such as the preservation of local cultural identity and collective memory and the notion of artistic communities as a local cultural trust rise to the forefront as artisanal economies and collective networks are left to work to stem the tide of larger capital forces in the new leisure city.

  • Confucius, Yamaha, or Mozart? Cultural Capital and Upward Mobility Among Children of Chinese Immigrants

    Author:
    Wei-Ting Lu
    Year of Dissertation:
    2014
    Program:
    Sociology
    Advisor:
    Philip Kasinitz
    Abstract:

    This study examines the determinants of upward mobility among children of Chinese immigrants. While most studies emphasize ethnic cultural capital as a primary determinant of Chinese upward mobility, this study proposes three new concepts to illuminate understudied processes promoting mobility. Specifically, this study argues that Chinese immigrants' interactions with classical music schools in the Chinese community help generate globalized cultural capital (resources from immigrants' participation in transnational networks), navigational capital (the ability to connect social networks together to facilitate community navigation through higher-status educational institutions) and aspirational capital (the ability of parents to acknowledge the barriers to upward mobility). These music schools offer parents highly valued Western cultural capital in the form of difficult-to-acquire competence in classical music, which parents are promised will help their children gain access to higher-status educational institutions. Parents internalize this valorizing of classical music and believe it will help their children. In addition, Western classical music as a component of Chinese American identity is also reconstructed and blurred through family cultural practice in the local context. Moreover, the competition to climb the educational ladder in the new land encourages Chinese immigrant families to create ethnic identities of hybrid cultural components. This more instrumental acquisition of highly valued cultural capital is a qualitatively different (though not incommensurate) explanation of Chinese upward mobility, which usually centers on Confucian values, retention of Chinese language, and obedience. This study seeks here not to attack the Chinese-values argument, but to argue that institutional factors outside the family are also crucial to understanding Chinese upward mobility.